Gaza War Puts Ukraine At Risk
Congress needs to pass separate Ukraine Aid package immediately.
Feathers of Hope is a network of ordinary citizens who have joined together around a shared commitment to diminishing the power and influence of MAGA extremists in the House of Representatives.
Since January, 2023, we have been urging moderate Republicans and Democrats to form a bipartisan majority voting bloc in order to conduct our nation’s legislative business, and to defend the institution from its internal enemies.
Note: This site can also be accessed by entering FeathersOfHope.net in your browser window
* * * * Update, February 23 * * * *
Rep. Bill Pascrell (D-NJ) posted the following message on X yesterday:
“Coming soon: Democrats will introduce a discharge petition to bring Ukraine funding to the House floor. I will be on line to sign it. The votes are there. Are there a dozen Republicans with a shred of courage to sign it and help Ukraine survive? Stay tuned.”
Scroll to the bottom of this post to find contact information for Republican representatives whom we believe may support a discharge petition to get Ukraine aid bill to the floor of the House for a vote.
Call one, several or all of them today and urge them to join with Democrats to sign the petition when the House re-convenes, and then to vote for the bill.
Shalanda Young, Office of Management and Budget,
on December 4, 2023:
“I want to be clear:
Without congressional action, by the end of the year we will run out of resources to procure more weapons and equipment for Ukraine and to provide equipment from U.S. military stocks.
There is no magical pot of funding available to meet this moment. We are out of money — and nearly out of time.”
New York Times, Feb. 18, 2024:
The Death Throes of a Ukrainian City
Toward the end of Russia’s long assault, hundreds of civilians still remained in Avdiivka. Those who escaped in the last weeks spoke of relentless devastation.
Even from a few miles away, the death rattle of another Ukrainian city echoed through the mist and fog. Russian warplanes were dropping more thousand-pound bombs on Avdiivka in eastern Ukraine, reducing an already battered city to rubble and ashes.
Since Jan. 1, President Vladimir V. Putin’s forces have dropped around one million pounds of aerial bombs on an area encompassing just 12 square miles, according to estimates by Ukrainian officials and British intelligence.
Avdiivka fell to the Russians on Saturday, after some of the most horrific and destructive fighting of the two-year-old war.
~ ~ ~ ~
Once a thriving city of 30,000 people, Avdiivka is no more.
Like so many of the dramatic stories we watched on TV when the war began two years ago, residents have been surviving relentless Russian bombing by sheltering in underground facilities while enduring horrendous casualties.
The city has been on the front line since first attacked by Russian-backed forces in 2014. But last week, its air defense systems were finally overrun. It’s estimated that about 900 civilians remain trapped in the ruins.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky left no doubt as to the reason for the defeat:
“Dear friends, unfortunately keeping Ukraine in the artificial deficit of weapons, particularly in deficit of artillery and long-range capabilities, allows Putin to adapt to the current intensity of the war,” Zelensky said. “The self-weakening of democracy over time undermines our joint results.”
This is President Zelensky’s very diplomatic way of pleading for passage of the American military assistance package currently languishing in the Republican-controlled House of Representatives.
At the Annual Munich Security Conference Saturday, Dutch Adm. Rob Bauer, the chair of NATO’s Military Committee, suggested that militarily the fall of Avdiivka is not a big loss: “They destroyed the whole infrastructure. So you don’t have a city. You have another couple of hundred meters,” he said.
But the fall of Avdiivka — a symbol of determined Ukrainian resistance —is a powerful blow to the nation’s morale.
One western military analyst called the attack on Avdiivka “a textbook punishment campaign, which they have orchestrated in Chechnya, Syria, Ukraine and even Afghanistan. It is designed to raise the societal costs of continued resistance and coerce the adversary and its population to give up.”
Mr. Zelensky continued that “among us, there is no one for whom the ongoing war in Europe does not pose a threat.”
“Please do not ask Ukraine when the war will end,” he said.
“Ask yourself why is Putin still able to continue it.”
Ukraine aid has wide-spread support in the House.
Many Freedom Caucus members agree with Democrats, who are united on the issue.
In the Senate, the National Security Supplemental Appropriations Act (HR 815), commonly known as the Ukraine, Israel Aid Package, received 22 Yes votes from Republicans, along with 49 from Democrats. While many bills are characterized as “bipartisan” if they garner a mere 4 or 5 votes from the opposition party, this one is more than just a bipartisan vote. Nearly half of the opposition party voted with the majority. It is the very definition of a temporary bipartisan alliance.
But what’s most revealing about the passage of the Ukraine, Israel Aid Package in the Senate is the broad spectrum of political loyalties among its 22 GOP supporters. 8 have publicly endorsed Donald Trump’s 2024 presidential bid, despite his opposition to the bill. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) and Republican Whip John Thune (R-SD), who have not endorsed Mr. Trump, also voted Yes.
In the House, Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) estimated last week that as many as 80 to 100 Republicans would vote for HR 815 if it comes to the floor. Whether Speaker Johnson will bring it to the floor remains in doubt.
After Mr. Johnson demanded that the aid package would only be considered if it includes provisions for immigration reform, Senate Democrats and Republicans worked together for over 3 months to craft a compromise proposal considered far more comprehensive than anyone had expected. But Donald Trump objected, fearing that any substantive progress on immigration reform would benefit President Biden’s re-election prospects. So the US - Mexico border security portion was promptly stripped from the bill before passage.
Nevertheless, Speaker Johnson is still refusing to bring the measure to the floor for a vote because it lacks the immigration/border reforms. Clearly, the point of insisting on US border security provisions was only to delay the bill.
Meanwhile, Minority Leader Jeffries is reported to be in discussions with the same “traditional Republicans” with whom he negotiated previous bipartisan agreements to avoid a government shutdown.
Together they could force the bill to the floor by means of a “discharge petition”, which requires a majority of 218 votes. That’s 4 Republicans if all 214 Democrats vote for it. At the moment, that seems achievable, though the process is cumbersome and time-consuming.
More problematic is whether all 214 Democrats will unanimously support it.
Israel aid is losing support in the House.
Many Progressives see withholding aid as a means of stopping Gaza assault.
As the Gaza attacks grind on and civilian casualties mount, there are growing calls for a unilateral Israeli cease-fire. In the Senate, 3 Democrats, including Bernie Sanders (D-VT) himself a Jew, Jeff Merkley (D-OR) and Peter Welch (D-VT) voted No on the Ukraine, Israel Aid Package — specifically because of its implied approval of the Gaza operation.
In the House, Pramila Jayapal (D-WA) chair of the Progressive Caucus warns that several of her roughly 100 members are reluctant to approve the aid package so long as Israel resists calls for a cease-fire.
So for every Democrat who declines to vote for the discharge petition, there must be another Republican vote to bring it to the floor.
The obvious solution is to separate the Ukraine assistance portion and pass it as a stand-alone package.
It’s unclear whether there would be enough support for such a move. But there’s no doubt about the opposing political dynamics at work here:
1. The tide of war in Ukraine is turning to Russia’s favor.
As summarized by in a recent “Situation Report” by Foreign Policy Magazine, “Ukraine is quickly running out of supplies of Western air defense ammunition, which is seen as critical to defending Ukrainian cities from Russian missile attacks and keeping Russian warplanes out of Ukrainian skies.” In short, the threat is dire and immediate.
2. World opinion is rapidly turning against Israel’s conduct of its Gaza assault.
With woefully inadequate protection and assistance for Gaza’s civilian population, Israel’s massive military operation has resulted in tens of thousands of deaths, and a humanitarian catastrophe that’s near unimaginable. Repeated demands for a cease-fire have been summarily dismissed by far-right Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his extremist supporters.
Consequently, even some more moderate voices within the Democratic Party are questioning the extent to which American “Security Assistance” to Israel may in fact be complicity in war crimes. President Biden himself has characterized the Gaza attacks as “over the top”.
So long as aid for Ukraine and Israel remain linked, prospects for passage are diminished.
This past weekend another complication has arisen in the form of a new proposal introduced by Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA). Sponsored by a bipartisan group of 4 Republicans and 4 Democrats, the “Defending Borders, Defending Democracies Act” is a stripped-down version of the Ukraine, Israel Aid Package. It includes limited defense-only military aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, and would restore some of the border entry restrictions favored by Republicans.
While doubtless well-intentioned, this seems more like a symbolic attempt at bipartisanship rather than a serious legislative move. The border proposals are a poor substitute for the hard-fought compromise reached by Senators Lankford, Sinema and Murphy — which has already been abandoned. Moreover, it substantially reduces the total amount of aid in the package; in Ukraine’s case from $60 billion to $48 billion.
More significantly, according to reporting by the Washington Post’s Dan Lamothe and Leigh Ann Caldwell:
“Johnson has hinted at the possibility of breaking apart the Senate package to vote piecemeal on the foreign aid provisions. Many Republicans have indicated they would prefer to vote on each issue individually rather than as a package it together, a course that might prove more palatable to some Democrats as well.
Unlike Ukraine, where our aid is indispensable, Israel is not totally dependent on American assistance.
While it would be a significant gesture, delaying or even cutting Israel’s portion of the aid package would be unlikely to affect the Gaza operation, or Israel’s defense capabilities in the near term. The total amount included is in the $14 billion range. So far, Israel has spent over $70 billion on the war since it began in October. And we have yet to hear any begging from Mr. Netanyahu over a few billion more or less.
The fact is, the only reason for aid to such disparate countries as Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan to be packaged together was parliamentary tactics. Originally, it was thought that combining them would make passage of each easier, by garnering support from various different factions. But now, the hope for that result has proven illusory. Rather, the opposite is emerging as the best case scenario. They are more likely to pass independently, each with on its own different bipartisan coalition.
One More Thing
If Speaker Mike Johnson brings a clean Ukraine aid bill to the floor, he likely will face an attempt by MAGA extremists to remove him from the Speakership, as was done to former Speaker Kevin McCarthy. Some Freedom Caucus members have made this threat explicitly. But a “motion to vacate the chair” can only succeed if Democrats agree to it. By themselves, the minority MAGA faction has nowhere near enough votes to remove him by themselves.
Our Feathers of Hope network has long advocated for a bipartisan alliance to isolate and marginalize MAGA extremists in the House of Representatives. It would therefore be out of character, to say the least, for us to support a MAGA-affiliated Speaker’s effort to retain his position. But the stakes here are momentous. And the Speaker’s opponents are themselves in disarray. As noted above, at least 45% of Senate Republicans still consider Russian aggression to be a threat and support the military aid package.
If passing emergency military assistance for Ukraine depends on protecting Speaker Mike Johnson from a Trump-inspired effort to remove him, that would be a worthwhile trade-off.
* * * * Update, February 23 * * * *
Rep. Bill Pascrell (D-NJ) posted the following message on X yesterday:
“Coming soon: Democrats will introduce a discharge petition to bring Ukraine funding to the House floor. I will be on line to sign it. The votes are there. Are there a dozen Republicans with a shred of courage to sign it and help Ukraine survive? Stay tuned.”
Please call your own Representative in Congress today. Urge them to sign the petition. If you don’t know their office phone number, you can call the U.S. Capitol Switchboard at (202) 224-3121.
Also, please call the office of Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA): (202) 225-4000. Remind him that Ukraine is fast running out of resources and needs our assistance immediately. Bring the Ukraine aid bill to the floor now.
Following are the names and phone numbers of several Republican representatives whom we believe may support a discharge petition to get Ukraine aid bill to the floor of the House for a vote.
Call one, several or all of them today and urge them to join with Democrats to sign the petition when the House re-convenes, and then to vote for the bill.
Don Bacon (R-NE): (202) 225-4155 D.C. or (402) 938-0300 District
Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA): (202) 225-4276 D.C. or (215) 579-8102 District
Mike Gallagher (R-WI): (202) 225-5665 D.C. or (920) 301-4500 District
David Joyce (R- OH): (202) 225-5731 D.C. or (440) 352-3939 District
John Curtis (R-UT): (202) 225-7751 D.C. or (801) 922-5400 District
Ashley Hinson (R-IA): (202) 225-2911 D.C. or (319) 364-2288 District
Andrew Garbarino (R-NY) : (202) 225-7896 D.C. or (631) 541-4225 District
Dan Newhouse (R-WA): (202) 225-5816 D.C. or (509) 452-3243 District
(The following members represent districts carried by President Biden in 2020)
David Schweikert (R-AZ): (202) 225-2190 D.C. or (480) 946-2411 District
Juan Ciscomani (R-AZ): (202) 225-2542 D.C. or (520) 459-3115 District
John Duarte (R-CA): (202) 225-1947 D.C. or (209)-226-6880 District
David Valadao (R-CA): (202) 225-4695 D.C. or (661) 864-7736 District
Mike Garcia (R-CA): (202) 225-1956 D.C. or (661) 839-0532 District
Young Kim (R-CA): (202) 225-4111 D.C. or (714) 984-2440 District
Michelle Steel (R-CA): (202) 225-2415 D.C. or (714) 960-6483 District
Tom Kean (R-NJ): (202) 225-5361 D.C. or (908) 547-3307 District
Nick LaLota (R-NY): (202) 225-3826 D.C. or (631) 289-1097 District
Anhony D’Esposito (R-NY): (202) 225-5516 D.C. or (516) 739-3008 District
Mike Lawler (R-NY): (202) 225-6506 D.C. or 845 743-7130 District
Marc Molinaro (R-NY): (202) 225-5441 D.C. or (607) 242-0200 District
Brandon Williams (R-NY): (202) 225-3701 D.C. or (315) 233-4333 District
Lori Chavez-DeRemer (R-OR): (202) 225-5711 D.C. or (541) 604-3141 District
Jen Kiggans (R-VA): (202) 225-4215 D.C. or (757) 364-7650 District
This is a network of ordinary citizens. In a democracy, we exercise our power by raising our voices. To be silent is to be powerless.
Last night, I attended a concert given by the Ukrainian National Orchestra. They were superb. We were reminded that the war will be 2 years old tomorrow. Two years of Hell with no end in sight.
Suggested action for us?