Impeachment Is Imperative

The President, Vice President and Speaker must be removed before it's too late.

Note: Please scroll down to the end of this post to find contact information for moderate Republican Representatives and the House Democratic leadership.

When Under Attack, Mount a Counter-Attack

As noted in our February 12 Feathers of Hope post (To Stop the Coup, Impeach the Traitor), there’s been a lively discussion among progressive activists about whether actions taken by this President during the first month of his term warrant the designation “coup d’état”. The discussion has been intellectually honest and its intent honorable: to counter legacy media’s reluctance to be frank about the gravity of continued lawless behavior by our nation’s Chief Executive. Nevertheless, there arises a discomforting sense that conducting an historical analysis of presently-occurring events distracts from the urgency of the moment.

Presumably, the idea of promoting use of the term coup d’état will serve as a reminder to the public that the American government is the target of an insurrectionist attack, an attack being mounted by the President himself, along with the Vice President and complicity of the Speaker of the House. But no matter what we call this attack, it’s crucially important that our focus remain on how to defend ourselves from it.

There is one path to a decisive victory: Impeachment.

All other paths are obstructed by delays which will ultimately render their results moot. In just a few weeks, the country has suffered incalculable losses. Institutions that have been constructed, evolved and nourished over generations are already irreversibly damaged and continue to be systematically destroyed. What will be left to protect in six months, let alone two years?

To put this in the context of the activists’ discussion, the question being considered is whether we are facing a “Coup d’état,” a “Constitutional Crisis”, or simply a “Crime Spree.” The answer is that it makes no difference, because in each case the conclusion is the same. Impeachment is the path to victory

• Coup d’état: The only way to defeat a coup is to deny the perpetrators their power to succeed. In this case, that means removing them (the President, Vice President and complicit Speaker of the House) from office.

  We can not defeat a Coup d’état by filing lawsuits. A Coup d’état is by definition an attack on the rule of law. It is insurrectionary, a form of civil war. The only weapon that can defeat a Coup d’état is a counter-attack that is proportionate to the threat, deployed by a force whose strength is greater than that of the insurrectionists. Here the superior force is the Congress of the United States, acting as a single body to vanquish the enemies of our Democratic Republic.

• Constitutional Crisis: The only way to resolve a Constitutional Crisis is to exercise powers established within the Constitution itself. In this case, that means the Legislative branch restraining the Executive branch by implementing Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution: the Impeachment Clause.

  We can not resolve a Constitutional Crisis by responding on an ad hoc basis to every unconstitutional action taken by the Executive branch. Staging public demonstrations, seeking Temporary Restraining Orders, making passionate speeches and publishing thoughtful essays are all appropriate ways to express outrage about the destruction being wrought on our national institutions. But all of these are reactionary and defensive. Only an assertive exercise of power by one branch over the other can definitively resolve the crisis.

• Crime Spree: The only way to halt a crime spree is to deny the criminals their freedom to commit crimes. In this case, that means stripping them of their positions of power — via a “Motion to Vacate the Chair” in the House to replace the Speaker, and Impeachment in the House with conviction in the Senate to remove the President and Vice President.

  Allowing these criminals to freely disregard the law, while opposition parties argue in Court over restraining orders, standing, statutory language, appeals and so forth, is like granting an arsonist bail on his own recognizance with no sanctions for violating the terms of his release. Free to set more fires, the damage will be already done, regardless of the final verdict.

Of all our options, Impeachment is best suited to meet the threat.

---

How do we proceed? Where do we start?

Unfortunately, there’s a prevailing view on our side that Impeachment is not a realistic scenario. While some have advocated “using all the tools in our toolbox” (Thank you Robert Hubbell! -JW), the more common portrayal of such an effort is that it would be a sincere but ultimately futile gesture: “There aren’t enough votes.” “It’s been tried before, and failed both times.”

These assessments reflect what their proponents believe to be clear-headed calculations, grounded in real-life experience. But in fact, they are making a classic mistake: namely, what military strategists refer to as “fighting the last war.”

History is dynamic, fluid, ever-changing. There’s nothing about the impeachment inquiries of 2019 - 2021 that is remotely similar to this President’s sustained assault on the institutions of our representative democracy in 2025.

Only four weeks into his term, polls indicate rapidly declining approval ratings for the Chief Executive and his team. As the effects of his reckless and lawless behavior ripple through society, there’s every reason to expect that fear and anger will intensify among voters regardless of their party affiliation. Already, Republican Congress Members, responding to their constituents’ demands, have begun seeking waivers and exceptions to the funding freeze put in place by this administration. And the deluge of complaints arising from job losses, rising inflation, and benefit cuts is yet to come.

1. Begin by persuading our fellow progressives to think again.

Historian Timothy Snyder has achieved some notoriety for his pamphlet On Tyranny, in which he draws twenty lessons from authoritarian movements of the mid-twentieth century. The first of these is “Do Not Obey In Advance.” Or to put it another way, “Do not surrender in advance.”

Dismissing Impeachment without even attempting to bring it about is tantamount to surrendering in advance. It represents a failure to recognize seismic shifts in the political forces shaping this moment of American history. In military terms, it is calling for retreat even as the tide is turning to our advantage, rather than devising a strategy to counter-attack.

As many have noted, there’s a palpable hunger across the country for more robust guidance from Democratic leaders. But they too seem overwhelmed by the sheer audacity and extent of destruction now being undertaken within our government. People are rightly inspired by the number of spontaneous or hastily-organized acts of protest and resistance. Yet there is a growing realization that the old tactics are insufficient to counter these new threats. Everyone is asking, “What more can we do?”

We have an answer that is not only realistic, though enormously difficult, but also one that would immediately end the madness if successful.

Let’s be under no illusion. The obstacles are formidable. But many of the forces that had stood solidly against us in the past are quickly realigning. Daily, there are new opportunities to effect a profound change in the course of our history.

Demonstrations, lawsuits, speeches and individual acts of defiance all reinforce our commitment to preserving the rule of law. But let’s also not be reluctant to reach for the most powerful weapon our Constitution affords for protecting the Republic from corrupt leadership. Only by accepting this challenge can we declare that we’re doing all we can do for our country at its time of greatest need.

2. Lay the groundwork for Impeachment by building Momentum.

• Use every opportunity to promote Impeachment when discussing what can be done in response to the latest announced firings, funding halts, or agencies’ dismantling.

• Post comments of support for Impeachment efforts on social media and in the comment sections of platforms like Substack.

• Contact opinion writers at legacy media, explaining the need for Impeachment.

• Post in the comment sections of articles and columns in online publications like the NY Times, Washington Post and local news outlets.

3. Enlist the cooperation of potential Republican allies.

To succeed, Impeachment must be bipartisan. This is for both structural and theoretical reasons:

• Structural: In oder for the Speaker of the House to be removed, 9 members of his own party must agree to a Motion to Vacate the Chair. A 51% majority vote is required to pass Articles of Impeachment in the House, and a 2/3 majority vote is required to convict in the Senate. Democrats do not hold a majority in either chamber, so Republicans will have to provide a significant number of votes.

• Theoretical: Impeachment of the President and Vice President is effectively a rejection of the Will of the People. It invalidates the vote of electors chosen by the People in their most recent election. Therefore, its legitimacy is dependent upon a shared commitment to the greater good of the nation over partisan advantage by members of the major political parties. Anything less than that would be regarded as nothing more than a power grab by one party. Maintaining the legitimacy of the highest ranking officers in our government is essential to preserving the rule of law.

So we need to formulate a strategy for attracting Republican legislators to support the removal from power of their own leadership. That will not be easy. But under current conditions it’s well within the realm of possibility, if we are fully committed to the effort.

• First we must overcome the tendency to consider all Republicans as not only adversaries, but mortal enemies barely worthy of existing.

Over the last few weeks, too many progressive/liberals have expressed a kind of schadenfreude over the suffering of fellow citizens who voted for this President. Comments have included sentiments like these (posted in response to a video showing clips of disillusioned Trump supporters):

“It’s impossible to have any sympathy for these people.” “Fuck'm. I grew up around those dumbasses and got away from them the first chance I had.” “Instead of constant complaining take a turn at getting off your ass and educating yourself.” “Reap what you sowed and don’t come crying to me.”

Of course it’s understandable that those of us who spent the last two years warning of the threat re-electing this President would pose to our democracy would be angry that our warnings were disregarded by millions of voters. But if we want to re-claim these voters for the Democratic Party we can’t close our hearts to their hardships. Otherwise, we’re offering them nothing but the same cruelty and disregard they’ve gotten from the other side. They were wrong, and they’re acknowledging their mistake. The least we can do is present an alternative choice, let them know that we’re fighting for them as well. If we want to grow our party, we can’t slam the door in their faces.

• Next, we must recognize that not all Republican members of Congress are MAGA extremists.

The Republican majority, especially in the House, is exceedingly fragile. And the GOP is riven into bitterly opposed factions. The divisions were vividly exposed during the 118th Congress when Speaker Kevin McCarthy was removed from office and multiple ballots were required to elect his successor. Their differences have been temporarily papered over in an attempt to form a unified governing majority in the 119th Congress.

But the reality of a rogue criminal MAGA Republican President is reopening wounds within the party. As they see firmly established Congressional prerogatives being systematically eroded, traditional conservative Republicans are likely to question their continued fealty to a President displaying contempt for their long and deeply-held faith in American institutions.

Moreover, long-serving Congress Members have well-established and powerful supporters whose priorities do not coincide with those of the wrecking crew now rampaging through the government.

1. Pharmaceutical companies, for example, will not readily give up their extensive network of government funded research projects.

2. Nor will other sectors of the health care industry meekly accept the end of federal assistance for such things as hospital expansion.

3. International business interests will not sit on the sidelines as tariffs and trade wars disrupt their markets and raise costs.

4. At the other end of the spectrum, many Republicans represent districts with populations heavily dependent on federal benefit programs like Medicaid, food stamps and head-start.

5. Then there are those who’ve spent their careers robustly supporting American military alliances, especially NATO, and combatting Russian expansionism. They are more than a little worried about the isolationist ideology of MAGA extremists now empowered by this President.

We must be clear-eyed and rational about this.

These are all identifiable individual Republicans who may be just waiting for some opportunity to escape the madness that’s taken over their party. They tend to be moderate, and join caucuses with names like Problem Solvers and Governance Group. When the stakes are high, they have more than once joined with Democrats to raise the debt ceiling, avoid government shut downs and provide military assistance to Ukraine.

Moderate not only in their policy positions but also in their personal lives, you won’t often see them on TV. They’re reluctant to jump out ahead or take political risks, but they always know which way the wind is blowing. That’s why it may appear that there’s little movement, until there is. Then things can change extremely fast, particularly if there’s a growing momentum for change.

4. Let our Democratic leaders know that we support Impeachment.

The inclination to surrender in advance on Impeachment is found not only among grass root activists. As mentioned above, there’s a hunger for more robust guidance from Democratic leaders. But they too seem to be “fighting the last war.” Thus it falls to us to lead the leaders, and encourage them to be bold. They must not shrink from engagement just because the challenge is daunting.

Achieving victory would be decisive.

Our task is not easy. To be successful, we need to embrace compassion, creative thinking and a commitment to Radical Hopefulness. But we can do it.

We must do it.

Here is contact information for three influential Republican moderates.

---

Don Bacon: (202) 225-4155 D.C. —— (402) 938-0300 District Office

• 2104 Rayburn House Office Building —Washington, DC 20515

• District Office: 3906 Gold Circle, Suite 101 — Omaha, NE 68144

  ---

Brian Fitzpatrick: (202) 225-4276 D.C. —— (215) 579-8102 District Office

• 271 Canon House Office Building - Washington, DC 20515

• District Office: 1717 Langhorne Newtown Rd. Suite 225 — Langhorne, PA 19047

  ---

David Joyce: (202) 225-5731 D.C. —— (440) 352-3939 District Office

• 2065 Rayburn House Office Building -- Washington, DC 20515

• District Office: 8500 Station Street, Suite 390 — Mentor, OH 44060

  ---

Here are phone numbers of House Democratic leaders:

• Minority Leader: Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY), 202-225-5936

• Minority Whip: Katherine Clark (D-MA), 202-225-2836

• Caucus Chair: Pete Aguilar (D-CA), 202-225-3201

• Speaker Emerita: Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), 202-225-4965

This is a network of ordinary citizens. In a democracy, we exercise our power by raising our voices. To be silent is to be powerless.